主题：【求助】关于中国的英文德文文献资料（清单即可）或者网站 -- 无法无天

那个比利时人还是海牙的高级工作人员，全世界都走过，见多识广，但说到中国的时候天真得不得了。他去中国时不能上facebook等，因此深刻同情被蒙蔽的中国人民们，没有freedom of speech。

我首先承认中国互联网是存在封锁的，这是事实。楼主只说色情网站被封那算half-truth，因为确实facebook/twitter/youtube等等在中国都不能打开，我在国内的时候翻墙也翻得辛苦。

但是，我是这样和他解释的：

一来，相比欧美国家，互联网对中国来说仍然是比较新的，大规模爆发发展不过十年的时间，中国的部门too bureaucratic and unprepared to handle it。

二来，中国的政府很傻，中国没有像很多西方国家那样对互联网有个总体规定或者法律条文，然后让各个网站自己去interprete这个规定。这是最聪明的做法，网站各有各的立场，左派屏蔽右派的留言，右派删除左派的文章，大面上如果规定执行得不对政府有理由关闭。结果，随便删除用户留言之类的责任是网站承担而不是政府承担，政府就洗白为一身无辜。

我给他们举了自己经历的两个例子，

1）3.14骤起的时候我在youtube几个pro-china和anti-china的帖子下留言。谁料到，youtube经营四年上传过200点击过百万的账户一夜被删除。那位大哥一听就傻眼了，问我有没有去和youtube申诉。我告诉他，我第二天就给他们写信了，可惜一直没有得到过他们的任何回馈。这次惨痛经历让我将近两年都提不起兴致再上传东西和朋友们分享youtube。

2）还是后3.14期间，BBC网站上有一篇造谣中国如何在50年侵略西藏以后cultural genocide的文章。我没有直接去讲中国没有文化灭绝西藏，而使一条条列出1950年之后欧美国家中对少数族群的文化灭绝，特别是英国对印度洋群岛摆在第一条。最终，我的留言连审查都没有通过。之后，多次在其他英文网站上，我这篇留言始终没有见得天日，要么通不过审查要么一出来就被删除。

总之，Chinese government is not sophisticated enough as American government. 用直接屏蔽网站这种简单粗暴的做法实在是太愚蠢了，相比之下美国政府要聪明得多。我一直在赞美美国政府的clever，那个比利时大哥也不傻，当然听出来了反话，也哈哈大笑。

真要有心，带他们来中国转一圈就好了。没必要掩饰中国的缺陷，但只要她们还能讲道理，自然会做出合理的判断。

1. book "CIA's secret war in Tibet" by Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison

This tells them that Dalai Lama was a "freedom fighter" funded by CIA, just like Bin Laden, Sadam Hussein and Pinochet.

2. Documentary "Dalai Lama and Dorje Shugden" by Swiss Public TV

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5sOm-uQH9Y

This tells them about the modern day theocracy practiced by the DL exile government as it is NOW.

3. About a recent academic article by HK professor Barry Sautman titled "Vegetarian between Meals: The Dalai Lama, War, and Violence" in a journal "Positions". Abstract below, I can send you the full article you want it.

For those who may be interested. This article tracks the words and

deeds of the Dalai Lama with 315 notes.

"Vegetarian between Meals": The Dalai Lama, War, and Violence

Barry Sautman

Abstract

In May 2008 Time magazine's annual "Time 100" list of influential

people in the world put the Dalai Lama at the top. This outcome was

related to the preceding six weeks of protests in Tibet and attendant

Western criticisms of China's Tibet policies, but it also reflected

the two-decade-long construction of the Dalai Lama's international

persona as a "man of peace" and "compassion personified."

This essay interrogates the ubiquitous representation of the Dalai

Lama as an apostle of nonviolence. It argues that while he urges

nonviolence in general, the Dalai Lama has supported a number of wars,

especially those of India and the United States, the Tibetan exiles'

two chief patrons. Western political elites and media have

reciprocated by making a major contribution to the construction of the

Dalai Lama's pacifistic persona.

The Dalai Lama's advocacy of nonviolence is associated with a special

level of compassion, but that link is also problematic: his compassion

has been largely disconnected from specific, major struggles of the

oppressed. The primary examples considered here are the fight against

apartheid in South Africa and the struggle against the occupation of

Palestinian lands. This disconnect arises from the Dalai Lama's

self-orientalizing approach to "race" and racial oppression, within

which the peoples and interests of the West are valorized and those of

the developing world subordinated. That, in turn, is a function not

only of Western state and popular patronage, but also of the Dalai

Lama's generally conservative worldview.

The construction of the Dalai Lama's persona of "man of peace"

adversely affects efforts to resolve the Tibet question. The "Free

Tibet movement" is built around the pacifist persona of the Dalai

Lama. The movement garners support from that, but it seeks an outcome

that can only be realized in the unlikely event that China

disintegrates. The constructed "man of peace" persona thus diverts

attention from efforts to forge a compromise solution to the Tibet

question. This effect will continue until a critique of political

representations of the Dalai Lama are allowed to become part of the

international discourse of Tibet.

大家比烂，相比欧美的烂，我们属于好的。

看来资本主义大毒草真是祸害无穷，这么多材料放在面前，她们也只能接受“中立”的立场。政委的角色真不是人当的。

对他们自己政治不满的人，比较容易接受我们的观点；对他们自己政治无所谓的人，主要是拼双方的知识量；对于他们自己政治非常自信的人，说什么都无益。德国不是世界上最富裕最优越的国家，但对中国人还是有很强烈的优越感。

我说来德国是我第一次出国，那个博士MM很夸张的问我是不是我被限制出国。她视而不见的是这个鼻屎大的城市里中国工程师就不下百人。

在他的西方金主中求得最大公约数。

在西方，所谓的“左派”占领舆论主导，鸠摩智就在他们面前谈谈和平、妇女权利、gay权利、宗教、灵性之类的，但主要出钱的还是传统的老右派。

有一点肯定的是，老和尚几乎从来不在没钱没影响力的地方浪费时间。他爱去的地方主要是西欧、北美、日本。

[tibet diary ] on youtube talking about two americans' experience in tibet

如此最好。