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主题：漂漂2号兄问美国共产党，提供一些资料，也感慨万千 -- 真历啊
后面附美共的一些资料，比较有趣的是，我不知道国外的网站如何，至少国内的网站对于美国共产党，含糊其辞，尤其是麦卡锡大审判之后。
无论怎样，这都是一段历史，那么，西方的记录我不知道，但是我个人感觉、判断，资料也并不多。
然而，离奇的是，国内的网站也是资料寥寥，这事太过离奇了。
看着美国共产党的作为，我也想到了苏联共产党，或者我们中国，究竟采取一种什么态度，确实要费思量，什么才是真正的本国利益呢？
在今天还有一些同志，披着共产主义的外衣，似乎是在表面上要求自己，也一再的指责当年的苏共，然而看了美共的做法，是不是在内心里也确实有很多的问号和疑虑呢？
再有，就是美国共产党，这是一段历史，真实存在的历史，直到今天我主要就是在这位张海涛先生的文章里看到这样的资料，另外就是美国执委丹尼斯的回忆录。
在其他地方，也许我是孤陋寡闻了啊，确实很少看到美国的资料，我想问，美国的言论自由在哪里呢？
就算，假如说，这些美共原党员就全部背叛了美国共产党，脱党了，也不至于美国的资料不能发到网上吧？
也不至于美国的翻译资料到不了中国吧？这事确实很有意思。
漂漂兄问询美共资料，我寻找给他，确实很费劲，这是为什么呢？难道中国方面不应该好好指责一下美国么？还有，中国什么时候硬气了，只能是看朝鲜和古巴，如果中国邀请朝鲜参加一带一路了，那么我估计中国硬起来了，否则就是没卵子。
“史密斯法”——美国法西斯化法律之一（1962年）
https://new.zlck.com/rmrb/news/GWTS2K98.html
1962年1月15日人民日报电子版 new.zlck.com
《人民日报》日历
臭名远扬的“史密斯法”是美国统治集团在国内实行法西斯化的一项极端反动的法律。长期以来，美国政府一直在使用这个法西斯法律来迫害美国共产党，摧残美国人民的基本权利。
“史密斯法”的正式名称是“外侨登记法”。它是在1939年由以反共、反劳工、反人民而恶名昭彰的民主党众议员霍华德·史密斯提出，并由国会在1940年6月通过的。1951年6月，美国最高法院不顾国内外正直舆论的抗议，宣布“史密斯法”符合美国宪法。在肯尼迪政府上台后，美国最高法院在去年6月5日又确认了“史密斯法”的“党籍条款”。
“史密斯法”原文共四十一条，二十年来美国当局曾经对其中某些条文加以修改。按照1948年6月25日修订通过的现行的“史密斯法”中的“党籍条款”规定：任何人“从事组织或帮助组织由一些人组成的社团、集团或集会，而这些人宣传、鼓吹或鼓励以武力或暴力推翻或毁灭合众国的任何一级政府”；任何人参加这样的“任何社团、集团或集会”，就可以处以一万美元罚金或十年监禁，或者并科罚金和监禁。
“史密斯法”还规定，只要美国政府认为“任何人有意识地、故意地鼓吹、教唆、劝导或者宣传以武力或暴力，或者以暗杀合众国的任何一级政府的任何职员，推翻或毁灭合众国的任何一州、准州、区域、或领地的政府或者它们在政治上进一步划分的任何一级政府的责任、必要性、适宜性或正当性；”或者认为任何人在“印刷、出版、编辑、发行、传阅、出售、散布、或公开展示关于鼓吹、劝导、或宣传以武力或暴力推翻或毁灭合众国任何一级的政府的责任、必要性、适宜性或正当性；或者企图从事上述行为”，这个人就可以被判处十年徒刑和一万美元的罚金。
美国统治集团战后以来，就一直根据这个法西斯法案中的这些条款，对美共和美国劳工与一切进步力量进行残酷的迫害。1948年7月，由美国政府指定的“联邦大陪审团”对包括已故的美共领导人福斯特、丹尼斯和现任美共总书记霍尔等十二名美共全国执行委员会委员起诉，罪名是他们“非法地、有意识地、故意地阴谋……把美国共产党组织成一个由教唆和鼓吹以武力和暴力推翻和毁灭美国政府的人们组成的社团、集团和集会”，并且“故意地和有意识地鼓吹和教唆……以武力和暴力推翻和毁灭美国政府”。在违反“史密斯法”的罪名下，绝大部分被控告的美共全国领导人都被判处五年徒刑，被罚金一万美元。美国共产党曾就这个判决提出上诉，抗议以莫须有的罪名对他们定罪。但是美国最高法院在1951年6月却裁决“史密斯法”符合美国宪法，裁决中说，“史密斯法”的目的“是保卫（美国）现存政府……免遭依靠暴力、革命和恐怖主义的改变”，而美国共产党领导人关于“组织共产党和教唆以及鼓吹推翻美国政府的阴谋构成了明显的当前危险”。
在最高法院在1951年宣布“史密斯法”符合美国宪法以后，美国政府又立即逮捕了另外十三名美共领导人。美国法院并且以“阴谋教唆和鼓吹以武力和暴力推翻政府”的罪名分别判处他们一年到三年的徒刑和罚金。美国共产党也曾经就这个法西斯判决向最高法院提出上诉，结果也遭到拒绝。
艾森豪威尔政府的司法部长布朗纳尔曾经声称，从1948年7月到1956年，美国当局根据“史密斯法”对一百零八名美共全国及地方领导人判了刑。
与此同时，美国政府还越来越多地使用“史密斯法”的“党籍条款”来对美共领导人和美共党员进行起诉或判刑，或者对已经受过“史密斯法”迫害的人再次进行逮捕。
美国政府使用“史密斯法”对美国共产党的迫害一直遭到美国共产党、美国人民和世界各国进步公众的抗议。“废除史密斯法！”，已成为美国人民为维护他们基本权利而斗争的重要口号之一。
（新华社）
----以上为《人民日报》原始内容----
美国数十名知名人士要求释放美共领袖（1955年）
1955年12月24日人民日报电子版 new.zlck.com
《人民日报》日历
新华社二十二日讯
据塔斯社纽约二十一日讯：美国一批有名的人士向报界发表了一封致美国总统艾森豪威尔的呼吁书，要求释放根据史密斯法而被关进监狱的美国共产党领袖和延期举行对其他一百八十个案件的审讯。
在呼吁书上签名的人指出，他们“并不同意共产党的哲学和共产党纲领的重要条款”，但是他们同时指出，美国共产党领袖们是在“冷战”期间和“经常出现歇斯底里的情况下”被判决的。呼吁书指出，特赦“将是对和平事业的贡献”。
在呼吁书上签名的有四十六个知名的社会人士和政界人士，其中有罗斯福夫人、社会党领袖诺曼·托马斯、剧本作家埃尔默·拉伊斯、历史学家亨利·斯梯、作家路易斯·马姆福特、神学会神学院院长约翰·贝奈特等人。
1951年6月4日，最高法院确认《史密斯法》符合宪法，并以6票对2票的多数维持了对11位美共领导人的定罪。1952年，司法部又判定另外40位美共领袖违反《史密斯法》，并予以监禁。
1961年最高法院又作出确认该法“党籍条款”的裁决，从而危害了公民的基本权利。
1947年6月23日美国国会通过了“1947年劳资关系法”。它是由参议员罗伯特-塔夫脱和众议员弗雷德-哈特莱提出的，故名。
该法是美国历史上典型的反劳工立法。它限制工人参加工会的权利，不准工会要求同厂的工人加入同一工会；禁止全国性同业工人的集体谈判；禁止共产党员担任工会领导职务；工会举行罢工前必须先发出通知，规定有60天“冷却期”，静候政府调查；法院有权下令禁止罢工；宣布原来关于工会问题的瓦格纳法无效。
1948年7月20日，美国最高法院根据1940年的 “史密斯法”，逮捕了福斯特及美国共产党全国政治局委员12人，并对他们提起了诉讼。虽然福斯特由于患有心脏病未被审判和监禁，但一直处在美国当局的密切监视下而不能自由活动，并且随时都有被重新审判的可能。即便是在如此艰难的情况下，福斯特仍然关注着中共领导的人民革命的历史进程。
新中国中国解放战争的胜利极大地激励了包括福斯特在内的美国共产党人，并得到了他们的多次声援与支持。作为美共的重要领袖，福斯特在诸多文章、声明或会议上，坚决支持新生的社会主义中国，反对美国政府干涉中国内政。他对社会主义中国的支持主要表现在以下四个方面。
1950年7月13日在 《工人日报》发表 《杜鲁门在亚洲的战争》一文，强烈谴责杜鲁门政府的侵略亚洲政策，声援中国和朝鲜。
1951年1月16日，福斯特在 《工人日报》上发表了一篇题为《朝鲜和平的基础》的文章。福斯特在文章中指出：“从朝鲜撤出外国军队的‘问题’，也是美国专断地、人为地制造出来的。因为正是美国最先派遣外国军队到朝鲜去，干涉那个国家的内战。美军对朝鲜的这种残暴侵略，乃是对和平、对朝鲜和中国的主权完整的又一凶暴进攻。
1953年8月18日，福斯特在美共的党报 《工人日报》指出：“把人民中国排斥在联合国之外，而不顾全世界日益要求他在联合国中取得席位”，“则世界局势紧张的原因将不能得到解决”。
联邦调查局和警察大肆开始搜查美共（包括最初的两个党）办公场所，逮捕“赤色分子”。在1920年1月2日的“赤色袭击”中，一夜之间有4000人被抓，鲁登堡被捕入狱，大部分领导层也被判了刑，几百名出生于国外的党员被驱逐出境。
为了生存，美共只能转入地下，党员隐蔽身份，成立了一个合法的“美国工人党”来进行公开活动，直到1923年“红色恐慌”退潮后，美共才得真正获得了合法地位。
在美共内部，以白人为主的党员都存在着歧视黑人的现象，甚至还有党员认为黑人是“工人运动和革命的阻碍”。所以，美共首先开始“清党”，整顿党内的种族主义，典型例子是1931年的“约基仑审判”。约基仑是出生于芬兰的美共党员，因蔑视黑人被提起诉讼，恰好负责审判的法官也是共产党员，结果是陪审团全票判定约基仑罪名成立，然后被开除出党。
为争取黑人，美共还曾有过一个非常举措——建立黑人共和国！这其实是共产国际（第三国际）根据斯大林对民族的定义给美共提出的要求，作为成员的美共只能执行。有意思的是，这个政策白人党员表示接受，却遭到了几乎所有黑人党员的抵制，因为他们认为自己是美利坚民族的一部分，独立建国是照搬他国经验，不适用于美国……
最后，“黑人共和国”无疾而终，不过美共清除党内种族主义还是取得了成功，内部没有歧视黑人的现象了，也赢得了黑人群体的好感，时至今日，美共中有相当数量的成员都是非洲裔，几任领导人也是黑人。
近代以来，赴美打工、求学的中国人日益增多，他们多数处于社会下层，还受到歧视，美共是能为他们奔走呼吁的少数组织之一，因此不少华人有加入美共的意愿。1927年四·一二政变后，在美国旧金山的部分中国留学生施滉、徐永瑛等加入美国共产党，并创办的美国华侨群众组织“美国华侨与中国革命大同盟”。1927年5月，美共中央委员会建立了“中国局”，受旧金山第十三区委员会领导。
“中国局”成员主要是中国留学生和华工，基本上是独立开展活动，他们在美国、加拿大、古巴发展党员，创办报纸，人数最多是有2400人。抗战中，他们组织建立了“纽约华侨洗衣馆联合会（衣联会）”、“全体华侨抗日救国筹饷总会”、“中国援助基金”开展抗日活动，号召美国工人“拒绝替日运载任何货物，特别是军事原料”，“抵制一切日货”，“给予中国以直接的帮助：医药、人员、食品、衣服和购买军火及其他用品的现款。”美共中央也多次组织盛大的援华大会，举行过针对日本外交机关的示威游行。
中共领导人在延安乘坐过的汽车及八路军华北前线的几辆救护车就是衣联会捐赠的。美国记者哈里森·福尔曼1943年来到延安，在《红色中国报道》中写道：“一辆半吨重的雪佛莱送货车来找我，在侧面的‘救护车’字样的上面，漆着大的红十字。在这下面，漆着‘纽约注册的华人洗衣联合会捐赠’等字样。”
美共中国局的成员中涌现了很多人才和英烈，首任书记施滉获得斯坦福大学历史学硕士学位，1930年回国，任河北省委书记，被逮捕后于1934年牺牲于南京雨花台，其它成员很多成为新中国外交和宣传部门的骨干。
1944年5月，中国局停止了活动——仗不是还没打完吗，怎么在这时候停了？因为美共解散了！
参战前，美国反共气氛浓厚，美共领导人厄尔·白劳德（Earl Browder）被捕入狱，美国参战后与苏联建立同盟，为缓和关系，白劳德被释放。他出狱后思考了一下，得出了一个结论——现在反法西斯要紧，为了不给反苏分子以口实，维护美苏联盟，美共最好解散……然后就真的解散了，变成了非政党性质的“共产主义政治协会”。
当然，不是所有党员都支持解散，以福斯特为首的一派党员于1945年7月重建了美国共产党，做出解散决定的白劳德因为不肯承认错误，被开除出党。美共虽然重生，但马上就面临着冷战的开局，走入了更加险恶的境地。
1945年4月法共书记杜克洛在法国《共产主义手册》发表《论美国共产党的解散》一文，批判了白劳德修正主义观点。
5月20日共产主义政治协会政治委员会讨论了杜克洛的论文，否决了白劳德路线，大会停止了白劳德的领导职务，选举成立了福斯特、丹尼斯、汤普逊三人书记处。6月18—20日福斯特在全国委员会上作《论修正主义问题》报告，会议恢复了他的领导职务。
7月26—28日美共召开第十三次特别代表大会，总结白劳德修正主义思潮一度统治全党的教训，解散共产主义政治协会，重建美国共产党并选举福斯特、丹尼斯、汤普逊的三人书记处，恢复福斯特全国主席职务。
1947年3月22日，杜鲁门总统发布行政命令，指定联邦调查局和联邦文官委员会对联邦政府机构300多万官员和工作人员进行忠诚考察，全部过一遍筛。经过为期4年的逐一政审，约2000名联邦政府官员被迫辞职，212人被视为“危险分子”予以清除。
1947年6月，美国联邦国会参、众两院通过了一道著名的反共反劳工的法律，即《1947年劳资关系法》，又称《塔夫脱－哈特莱法》。它正式废除了《瓦格纳法》若干有关工人权利的规定。垄断资本的代表1945年11月在杜鲁门召开的劳资会议上所表达的意志，现在正式形成为国家法律了。它的其他反共反劳工的条款，我在1985年1月15日写的那封《六谈民主》的信里已有所涉及，不另述。
一，有的了解内情的国会议员在谈到这道反共反劳工法律的产生过程时曾透露，参议员塔夫脱和众议员哈特莱在向国会两院提出这道法律草案前，曾将它交给工商界巨头审议过，并说“这个法案的每一页、每一段、每一句都是全国制造商协会写就的”。于是杜鲁门总统就此事耐了个政治花招。考虑到1948年竞选即将到来，需要劳工群众的选票，总统接到这道法案后公开予以否决，但总统并未作任何实际努力阻止国会通过这个法案。
二，在国会凑足票数否定了总统的否决、使之正式生效之后，在总统1948年竞选连任获胜之后，总统曾连续9次援引这道法律压制工人群众的罢工斗争。
三，该法生效后，全国有23.2万名工会干部被迫签署誓词，声明自己不是共产党员。雇主们随时可用“作伪证”相威胁，对他们实行政治迫害。
1948年7月20日，杜鲁门政府出动军警，分别在全国各地将美国共产党最高领导机构——全国委员会的12名成员通通予以逮捕，一网打尽。
被捕的这12人是：美共全国委员会主义威廉福斯特、美共总书记尤金丹尼斯、美共组织书记亨利温斯顿、美共劳工书记约翰威廉森、美共教育书记雅各布施塔赫尔、美共纽约区主席罗伯特汤普森、纽约市议会议员小本杰明戴维、《工人日报》主编约翰孟茨、毛皮工会联合委员会主任欧文波塔什、美共伊利诺伊区主席吉尔伯特格林、美共密执安区主席卡尔温特、美共俄亥俄区主席格斯霍尔。
杜鲁门政府的司法部长汤姆克拉克1947年到1948年先后公布了一批黑名单，把160个社会团体定为“颠覆组织”。列入国会众议院非美活动委员会的黑名单上的“颠覆组织”则多达608个社会团体。为了混淆视听，这些黑名单中也列上了少数法西斯组织，被定为“颠覆组织”的绝大多数都是工人、黑人、青年、妇女、知识分子的团体。
1949年1月17日，位于曼哈顿岛南端华尔街附近的美国联邦地区法院开庭审讯美国共产党领导人。出庭法官为百万富翁哈罗德梅迪纳。除威廉福斯特因患心脏病不能到庭受审外，其余11名美共领导人都被带到被告席。
1949年10月14日，法官哈罗德梅迪纳开庭宣判：受审的11名美共领导人除纽约区主席罗伯特汤普森以外，各判处5年徒刑和10000美元罚金。
汤普森第二次世界大战期在美军中服役，在太平洋战场上作战勇敢，被授予战功卓著十字勋章，判处徒刑3年。
被无辜判刑的这一批美共领导人向主管纽约地区的联邦第二上诉法院提出上诉。1950年8月1日，上诉法院开庭宣判。各位上诉法院法官投票表决的结果是：维持原判。
这些美共领导人又向位于华盛顿国会山上的美利时合众国最高法院提出上诉。1951年6月4日，联邦最高法院开庭宣判。最高法院9位法官投票表决的结果仍然是“维持原判”。
在联邦最高法院的9位法官就是否维持纽约联邦地区法院对这批美共领导人的原判进行表决时，两位持资产阶级自由派观点的法官投了反对票。其中一位雨果布莱克。他在判词中说明了自己投反对票的理由。这份判词中的主要一段，原文如下：“我要强调的是，什么是本案涉及的罪行，什么则不是，这些被告并未被指控企图推翻政府。他们并未被指控从事过任何旨在推翻政府的公开活动。他们甚至未被指挥讲过或写过旨在推翻政府的任何言论。对他们的指控仅仅是：他们同意举行集会，谈论在以后出版某些思想。”
1951年7月2日，美共领导人中的大多数被分别关进了包括佐治亚州的亚特兰大和康涅狄格州的丹伯里在内的五个城市的监狱，开始服刑。之所以要把他们分散关押在各地，是为了“防止他们在一直策划阴谋”。
温斯顿、汤普森、格林和霍尔拒绝服刑，避往外地，后陆续被捕、加刑。
霍尔1951年10月被捕于墨西哥，在没有任何法律文件下被私下绑架返美。
二战英雄汤普森，1953年8月被捕于加利福经亚，被戴上脚镣手铐，投入监牢。
杜鲁门政府于1951年在全国范围内展开了一次对美共各地领导人的大搜捕。
其中几次主要搜捕的时间和地点是：6月20日在纽约、7月26日在加利福尼亚、8月8日在马里兰、8月17日在宾夕法尼亚、8月28日在夏威夷、8月31日再次在加利福尼亚。大批美共领导骨干在各地被逮捕，被审判，被关进监牢。
1950年9月23日，美国国会参众两院通过了法案――《1950年国内安全法》，又称《麦卡锡――伍德法》。它的主要内容，在1985年1月15日写的那一封《六谈民主》的信里已有所记述，不再说。
节选自1991年张海涛《再说美国》中《总统依法调兵遣将――简谈军队与“民主、自由、人权”》一章，有删改。
史密斯法又称“外侨登记法”。美国国会于1940年6年通过的管理外侨的法律。因由众议员史密斯（HowardWorehSmith）提出而得名。规定对不是美国公民的五百万左右的人实行登记，·凡蓄意鼓动、教唆他人以暴力推翻美国政府，以及成立或参加以此为目的的组织，均为犯罪，应处两万美元以下罚金或20年以下监禁或两罚并科。50年代后期以来相继对该法作了限制性解释，原告如果仅“抽象”地宣传共产主义，并不构成教唆或鼓吹的非法活动；并认为在鼓吹以暴力推翻政府的成员中，应区分“积极”成员和“消极”成员，前者指了解该组织目的并积极从事这一目的的行动者。 [1]
即美国“一九四〇年外侨登记法”。因众议员史密斯（Howard Worth Smith）提出其追加条款而得名。1940年6月国会通过。它以防止“颠覆活动”为借口，规定外国人和在外国出生的美国公民必须进行登记；凡以任何方式宣传用暴力推翻美国政府者均构成“犯罪”。
1951年6月4日，最高法院确认《史密斯法》符合宪法，并以6票对2票的多数维持了对11位美共领导人的定罪。1952年，司法部又判定另外40位美共领袖违反《史密斯法》，并予以监禁。
1961年最高法院又作出确认该法“党籍条款”的裁决，从而影响了公民的基本权利。
看看当年的人民日报，看看今天的人民日报对美国的那个奴才样！这叫一个怂。
你不要脱钩啊，奴家还没有准备好呢~~
什么屁话！
在今天，我们怎么看待这位美国的总书记基于美国或者基于其他的利益看待新中国，支持新中国在1949年加入联合国。
在抗美援朝反对美国侵略，在台湾海峡反对美国入侵。
呼吁美国军人不要参加对朝鲜的侵略战争。呼吁美国撤军。
这是一种什么精神啊。
这类的资料，为什么在今天的中国这么难找啊？
在中国共产党领导下的中国的论坛，在介绍美国共产党的网站上为什么不注明，多说说美国政府逮捕整个美共执委，就是美共政治局啊，为什么不能说呢？
美共怎么没的？不就是这么没的嘛？哈哈哈，在百度百科，这段时间居然像刘邓周三年的谈话一样，几乎一片空白，这是不是很荒诞啊！！！
太有意思了。
美共全国委员会主义威廉福斯特、美共总书记尤金丹尼斯、美共组织书记亨利温斯顿、美共劳工书记约翰威廉森、美共教育书记雅各布施塔赫尔、美共纽约区主席罗伯特汤普森、纽约市议会议员小本杰明戴维、《工人日报》主编约翰孟茨、毛皮工会联合委员会主任欧文波塔什、美共伊利诺伊区主席吉尔伯特格林、美共密执安区主席卡尔温特、美共俄亥俄区主席格斯霍尔。
英文也可以啊。
我很好奇这位小本杰明戴维是个什么身份，完全找不到资料啊。国内有关这几个法律的详细解读和分析也完全的没有，实在是令人感到十分的不理解。
按理说应该有个职务身份的，比如
福斯特应该是党主席；
丹尼斯是类似书记处总书记；
工人日报编辑是宣传部长吧？
组织书记好说，是组织部长；
劳工书记是啥意思？工会主席？
教育书记似乎也和宣传沾边。
其余的就是省部大员了。
小本杰明是直辖市书记或者委员会主任？
非常感谢。
挂羊头卖狗肉的事还少了吗？
今天看见陈经的文章里说，2016年侯伟光等人对曲阜孔姓人群检测了1118个Y染色体。人数较少但是共祖年代是孔子时期的就是Q1a1-M120。人多的C3-M217，是晚期聚合的，对应五代动乱。科学判断，孔子是Q系的可能性很高。
也就是说，曲阜孔姓多的是C系这种假冒伪劣的。魔幻吗？
英文维基上应该有相关内容。
英文维基感觉也没有吧。
（英語：William Zebulon Foster；1881年－1961年），20世纪美国工人运动活动家，曾任美国共产党主席。
目录
1 生平
2 著作
3 参考
4 外部链接
生平
1881年2月25日生于马萨诸塞州汤顿的一个爱尔兰裔工人家庭。父亲是洗刷马车的工人，因为参加鼓动英军中的爱尔兰人起义，失败后逃亡美国。母亲是英格兰纺织女工[1]。
他6岁的时候随家人迁到费城，住在贫民窟里[2]。10岁开始做工，来回辗转于木材、农场、铁路、五金和矿井等不同的部门。14岁就参加了电车工人罢工活动[3]。1912年，被选为芝加哥“北美工团主义者同盟”全国书记。1915年，又被选为圣路易“国际职工会教育同盟”书记[4]。1918年，他领导了二十万屠宰业工人举行总罢工。1919年又领导了全国钢铁工业总罢工，50个城市的36万余罢工者总共坚持了3个月[1]。他还领导了当时社会党左翼进行了反对机会主义，反对工人运动的宗派主义，反对纯粹工会主义和经济主义的斗争。由于这次斗争，他被社会党开除[5]。
1917年俄国十月革命胜利后，福斯特从激进的劳工斗争转向共产主义。1920年访问了苏维埃俄国，研究了马克思列宁主义的理论[5]。1921年初秘密加入了美国共产党，并被选为中央委员。同年，他还在莫斯科举行的共产国际第三次世界代表大会上遇见了列宁[2]。1929至1944年，他任党主席职务。在1924、1928和1932年一连三届美国大选中，他被提名为共产党的总统候选人。1930年是共产党的纽约州州长候选人[5]。
1929年经济危机爆发后，福斯特领导共产党实行失业保险制。1930年3月，他又领导了纽约10万多失业工人的大示威，后来遭到逮捕，被判处三年有期徒刑[5]。1933年，罗斯福新政后，美共总书记厄尔·白劳德要求美国工人阶级和垄断资产阶级实行阶级合作。同年5月20日美国共产党宣布解散，福斯特也被撤消了美共主席的职务。1945年7月美共宣布重建时，福斯特又被选为党的主席[5]。1948年，福斯特和美共全国委员会11名委员被美国联邦政府根据所谓“史密斯法”被起诉。福斯特因患有心脏病而未被关进监狱，但他一直被禁止自由活动，也被禁止出国治疗。1957年被选为美国共产党名誉主席[4]。
福斯特一生曾领导党内三次反修正主义斗争。1927年反对洛夫斯通的“美国特殊论”；1944-45年反对白劳德解散共产党，以及所谓的“进步资本主义”右倾机会主义；1956-57年反对以盖茨为首的修正主义分裂活动[4]。
1961年1月，他获得允许前往苏联治疗，被诊断为一般性动脉粥样硬化症。同年9月1日晚在莫斯科近郊的疗养院逝世[6]。赫鲁晓夫为他举行了国葬，其骨灰被撒在克里姆林宮紅場墓園
著作
著有《劳工骗子》、《世界资本主义的末日》、《美洲政治史纲》、《美国共产党史》、《三个国际的历史》、《世界劳工运动史》、《美国历史中的黑人》、《从白莱安到斯大林》和《一个工人的生活片段》。它们已经翻成多种文字，在世界许多国家出版。
参考
爱泼斯坦. 美国工人阶級光荣的战士和領袖——祝威廉·泽·福斯特同志八十寿辰. 世界知识. 1961, (Z1): 24–25.
乐山. 一个革命战士的成长 威廉·福斯特早期革命生活的片断. 人民日报. 1961年9月10日: 第5版.
Michael Kazin. From Street Fighter to Stalinist. The New York Times. 1994-06-12 （美国英语）.
威廉·福斯特同志传略. 人民日报. 1961年9月4日: 第3版.
美国工人阶级光荣的战士和领袖 威廉·福斯特同志. 人民日报. 1959年2月2日: 第6版.
美国共产党全国委员会名誉主席 威廉·福斯特同志逝世 苏共中央发表通告 美共发表讣告. 人民日报. 1961年9月4日: 第1版.
外部链接
威廉·泽布朗·福斯特的作品 - 古騰堡計劃
威廉·泽布朗·福斯特（德国国家图书馆目录相关文献）
互联网档案馆中威廉·泽布朗·福斯特的作品或关于他的作品
中文维基内容很少，看来没人翻译。英文维基的主要内容如下
Early years
Francis Xavier Waldron was born on August 10, 1905 in Seattle, Washington. He worked in various jobs and was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World, for which he was active in California as a union organizer.
Political career
Waldron joined the Workers (Communist) Party in 1926.[2]
In 1929, Waldron fled to the Soviet Union to avoid criminal charges for his political activities under the California Criminal Syndicalism Act.
Waldron returned to the United States in 1935 and assumed the pseudonym Eugene Dennis. Dennis became General Secretary of the party after the expulsion of Earl Browder and was a staunch supporter of the Moscow line.
On July 20, 1948, Dennis and eleven other party leaders, including Party Chairman William Z. Foster were arrested and charged under the Alien Registration Act.[3] Foster was not prosecuted due to ill health.
As Dennis and his co-accused had never openly called for the violent overthrow of the United States government, the prosecution depended on passages from the works of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin that advocated revolutionary violence and on the testimony of former members of the party who claimed Dennis and others had privately advocated the use of violence.
After a nine-month-long trial and the imprisonment of the defense lawyers for contempt of court, Dennis and his co-defendants were found guilty and sentenced to five years imprisonment. They appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, which ruled 6–2 against the defendants on June 4, 1951 in Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951). The Court later scaled back its Dennis opinion in Yates v. United States and rendered the broad conspiracy provisions of the Smith Act unenforceable.[4] Eugene Dennis was imprisoned in the years 1951–1955, according to the verdict in his case.[5]
Dennis remained General Secretary until 1959, when he succeeded Foster as party chairman and held that position until his death in 1961.
Espionage connections
Though never charged with any act of espionage, Dennis was identified in the Venona project as being a source for Soviet intelligence in the United States during World War II. In the transcripts, Dennis is referenced as a contact for a group of concealed Communists in the Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information.
Dennis is referenced in the following Venona transcripts:
708 KGB Moscow to Mexico City, 8 December 1944
1714 KGB New York to Moscow, 5 December 1944
55 KGB New York to Moscow, 15 January 1945
Death
Dennis died of cancer on January 31, 1961.
He was buried at the Waldheim Cemetery[6] (now Forest Home Cemetery) in Forest Park, Illinois.
Writings
The elections and the outlook for national unity., New York, Workers Library Publishers, 1944.
America at the crossroads: postwar problems and communist policy., New York, New century publishers, 1945.
Marxism-Leninism vs. revisionism., New York, New Century publishers, 1946 (with William Z. Foster, Jacques Duclos, and John Williamson; foreword by Max Weiss).
The people against the trusts; build a democratic front to defeat reaction now and win a people’s victory in 1948., New York, New Century Publishers, 1946.
What America faces: the new war danger and the struggle for peace, democracy and economic security., New York, New century publishers, 1946.
Let the people know the truth about the Communists which the un-American committee tried to suppress., New York, New century publishers, 1947.
Eugene Dennis indicts the Wall Street conspirators. New York : National Office, Communist Party, 1948.
Ideas they cannot jail., New York, International Publishers, 1950.
Letters from prison. Selected by Peggy Dennis., New York, International Publishers, 1956.
The Communists take a new look., New York, New Century, 1956.
只有英文
Benjamin Jefferson "Ben" Davis Jr. (September 8, 1903 – August 22, 1964), was an African-American lawyer and communist who was elected in 1943 to the city council of New York City, representing Harlem. He faced increasing opposition from outside Harlem after the end of World War II. In 1949 he was among a number of communist leaders prosecuted for violating the Smith Act. He was convicted and sentenced to five years in prison.
Early years
Benjamin J. Davis Jr. – known to his friends as "Ben" – was born September 8, 1903, in Dawson, Georgia. The family moved to Atlanta in 1909, where Davis's father, "Big Ben" Davis, established a weekly black newspaper, the Atlanta Independent.[1] It was successful enough to provide a comfortable middle-class upbringing for his family. The elder Benjamin Davis emerged as a prominent black political leader and served as a member of the Republican National Committee for the state of Georgia.[2][3]
The younger Ben Davis Jr. attended the high school program of Morehouse College in Atlanta.[4] He left the South to study at Amherst College, where he earned his B.A. in 1925.[5] Davis continued his education at Harvard Law School, from which he graduated in 1929. Davis worked briefly as a journalist before starting a law practice in Atlanta in 1932.[6]
Political career
Benjamin Davis leaving the Federal Courthouse in New York City in 1949
Davis became radicalized through his role as defense attorney in the 1933 trial of Angelo Herndon, a 19-year-old black Communist who had been charged with violating a Georgia law against "attempting to incite insurrection", because he tried to organize a farm workers' union. Davis asked the International Juridical Association to review his brief.[7] During the trial, Davis faced angry, racist opposition from the judge and public. He was impressed with the rhetoric and bravery of Herndon and his colleagues. After giving concluding arguments, he joined the Communist Party himself.[8]
Herndon was convicted and sentenced to 18–20 years in jail. He was freed after April 26, 1937 when, by a 5-to-4 margin, the United States Supreme Court ruled Georgia's Insurrection Law to be unconstitutional.[9]
Davis moved to Harlem, New York in 1935, joining the Great Migration of blacks out of the South to northern cities. He worked as editor of the Communist Party's newspaper targeted to African-Americans, The Negro Liberator. He later became editor of the CPUSA's official English-language daily, The Daily Worker.
In 1943, Davis was elected under the then-used system of proportional representation to fill a city council seat being vacated by Adam Clayton Powell Jr. to run for Congress.
Davis was reelected twice to his city council seat. In 1949, he was expelled from the council upon being convicted of conspiring to overthrow the federal government under the Smith Act – a World War II-era charge that rested on Davis's association with the Communist Party.[2] His expulsion from the council was required under state law. His former colleagues passed a resolution celebrating his ouster.[10] He appealed the conviction for two years, without success.
After serving three years and four months in the federal penitentiary in Terre Haute, Indiana, Davis was freed.[11] In the subsequent years, Davis engaged in a speaking tour of college campuses and remained politically active, promoting an agenda of civil rights and economic populism. Davis' 1962 speaking circuit drew crowds at schools such as Harvard, Columbia, Amherst, Oberlin and the University of Minnesota.[12] But the City College of New York – in the New York council district he represented in the 1940s – barred Davis from speaking on its campus in this period. After a student protest, Davis was allowed to speak outside, on the street.[12] He was close to Communist Party chairman William Z. Foster. Davis continued to publicly defend the actions of the Soviet Union, including the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956.[11]
In 1962 Davis was charged with violating the Internal Security Act.[11] He died shortly before the case came to trial.[13]
Death
Ben Davis died of lung cancer in New York City on August 22, 1964. He was less than one month shy of his 61st birthday at the time of his death, and was in the midst of a campaign for New York State Senate on the People's Party ticket.
Legacy
While in prison, Davis had written notes for a memoir. These were confiscated by prison authorities and not released until after his death. They were posthumously published under the title Communist Councilman From Harlem (1969), with a foreword by his Smith Act codefendant Henry Winston.[14]
英文维基资料
Robert George Thompson (June 21, 1915 – October 16, 1965) was a distinguished US soldier who was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross (United States) during World War II but was later jailed for several years for his communist sympathies.
Thompson's first foray into war was with the Spanish Republicans in the Civil War in Spain against General Franco and the Spanish Nationalists, as a battalion commander with the all-American volunteer Abraham Lincoln Brigade.[1]
Following the Spanish Civil War, Thompson saw action during World War II in the Pacific Theater. He was cited for extraordinary heroism during the American New Guinea Campaign, was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross and was approved for a battlefield commission as an officer.[2] The citation read:
For extraordinary heroism in action near Tarakena, New Guinea, on January 11, 1943. Volunteering to lead a small patrol in an attempt to establish a foothold on the opposite shore, Staff Sergeant Thompson swam the swollen and rapid Konembi River in broad daylight and under heavy enemy fire. Armed only with a pistol and hand grenades, he assisted in towing a rope to the other shore where he remained under cover of the bank and directed the crossing of his platoon. Staff Sergeant Thompson then led the platoon against two enemy machine-gun emplacements which dominated the crossing, and wiped them out. The success of this action permitted the advance of the entire company and secured a bridge-head for the advance of the following units.[2]
Following the war, Thompson was involved with the leadership of the Communist Party USA, and was convicted in the Foley Square trial, alongside the rest of the party leadership, for violating the Smith Act. He was sentenced to imprisonment for three years. After the Supreme Court affirmed his conviction, he absconded, and for this he was convicted of criminal contempt and ordered to serve an additional four-year sentence.[2] While serving his sentence, Thompson was assaulted by a group of Yugoslav fascists who had jumped ship in the United States, one of whom cracked Thompson's skull with a metal pipe while standing on a lunch line.[1]
Following his release Thompson continued with the Communist Party including organizing protests against the Vietnam War.
Thompson suffered a fatal heart attack on October 16, 1965.[1] As controversial in death as in life, after initially granted burial at Arlington National Cemetery, his post-service activities led the Army, under pressure from Congress, to rescind its permission.[2] Subsequently, the Army was ordered by the United States Court of Appeals District of Columbia Circuit to permit the interment.[2]
Striking a dissenting chord days after his death, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Murray Kempton wrote:
And so, an American who was brave has been judged and disposed of by Americans who are cowards of the least excusable sort, cowards who have very little to fear. Yesterday the Army called Robert Thompson's widow and said that it would send his ashes wherever she wished. Wherever those ashes go, the glory of America goes with them.[3]
你文中那些复杂的官名没有在维基资料上发现。显然维基写手是外国人，没有中国人的官本位思想
Henry M. Winston (April 2, 1911 – December 13, 1986) was an African-American political leader and Marxist civil rights activist.
Winston, committed to equal rights and communism, was an advocate of civil rights for African Americans decades before the idea of racial equality emerged as a mainstream current of American political thought.
An early member of the American Communist Party, Winston was elected to the party's National Board in 1936, serving as Chairman of the CPUSA from 1966 to 1986.
He was born on April 2, 1911 to Joseph and Lucille Winston in Hattiesburg, Mississippi.[1] Henry grew up there and in Kansas City, Missouri.[2] The economic situation of the poor Winston family was troubling enough to force Henry to leave high school early. Though once again unemployed after the start of the Great Depression, Winston's organizational skills and intellect came to the fore when he took a position with the Kansas City Unemployed Council at 19.[2]
By 1936, Winston was serving the Communist Party USA as both the national organizational secretary of the Young Communist League and a member of the Communist Party National Board.
As a high-ranking member of the Communist Party organization, Winston encouraged members of the party to sign up for military service to fight Fascism and Nazism in the Second World War. Winston himself served in the Army, participating in the liberation of France from Nazi occupation. He marked the war's end with an honorable discharge from the military.[2]
Back to political activity after his World War II discharge and the reorganization of the Party in 1946, Winston, along with the rest of the CPUSA leadership, was a victim of an early Cold War attempt by the American government to "decapitate" the Communists' leading ranks. In 1948, Winston, together with other notable leaders within the Communist movement, was brought to trial in the Foley Square trial on charges of violating the Smith Act for encouraging the overthrowing of the American government.
Unable to produce evidence that any of the leading party members had actually called for the armed overthrow of the American government, the prosecution, boosted by the American public's antipathy toward radical activists during the opening years of the Cold War, based its case on selective interpretation of quotations from the works of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and other revolutionary figures of Marxism-Leninism. They also relied on the testimony of "witnesses" hired by the FBI.[3] During the course of the trial the judge held several of the defendants and all of their counsel in contempt of court.
Convicted of revolutionary insurrection alongside the rest of the defendants for advocating the ideas of Marxism, Winston escaped while on bail. In disguise, traveling around the country under a false name, Winston was sheltered by people sympathetic to Marxism and leftist political work. Undeterred from maintaining his links with the party above-ground, Winston continued his activities from within the party's underground organization: his 1951 pamphlet on party organization, "What it Means to be a Communist," was produced by the Communist Party while Winston was still underground.
Following his surrender to federal authorities years later, Winston served out his sentence in Terre Haute, Indiana, remaining imprisoned, despite severe health problems, until his release in 1961.[2]
Winston's state of health began to see a rapid deterioration throughout the late 1950s. By 1958, he began to suffer from headaches and dizzy spells; no adequate treatment was administered to him until 1960; by then, although a tumor was removed when he was transferred to a hospital New York, Winston was left permanently blind as a result of denied treatment.[2] Winston's release, now sought even by anti-communist preachers and liberal activists, was refused.[2]
Addressing President Kennedy in a 1961 debate, Comandante Fidel Castro, whose July 26 Revolution swept the Communists into power two years earlier, called for the release of Winston and other political prisoners.[4]
Against the backdrop of both waves of protests from various quarters of the United States in addition to criticism from across the world, the Kennedy administration allowed Winston executive clemency, following which he was permitted to seek medical attention in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. The same year, the Supreme Court, in Noto v. United States (1961), put an end to the jailing of party leaders, having reversed a conviction under the membership clause because the evidence was insufficient to prove that the Party had engaged in unlawful advocacy:
[T]he mere abstract teaching of Communist theory, including the teaching of the moral propriety or even moral necessity for a resort to force and violence is not the same as preparing a group for violent action and steeling it to such action. There must be some substantial direct or circumstantial evidence of a call to violence now or in the future which is both sufficiently strong and sufficiently pervasive to lend color to the otherwise ambiguous theoretical material regarding Communist Party teaching, and to justify the inference that such a call to violence may fairly be imputed to the Party as a whole, and not merely to some narrow segment of it.[5]
The legal recognition of the illegitimacy of the federal government's basis for the imprisonment of party activists was now complete. Although the party was seriously damaged by the repressive moves, aggressive party activity was now again possible.
Winston was elected CPUSA Chairman in 1966, sharing the running of the party organization with Gus Hall, the General Secretary.[2]
In 1964, he spoke to students at the University of Washington, after radical activists staged protests against the university's ban on "communist speakers."[6]
The 1970s witnessed the publication of two books connecting the long-denied issue of African-American equality in America and the Communist philosophy of class struggle: Winston's Strategy for a Black Agenda (1973) and Class, Race, and Black Liberation (1977), which argued that the struggle for civil rights had reached the stage of fusion with the struggle for economic rights.
In a 1971 lecture to a seminar of Communist Party organizers he said:
The giant industrial monopolies, the big banks and insurance companies, the financiers and landowners, all spawn racism and use it as one of their chief class weapons to maintain and defend their regime of exploitation and oppression, of enmity among peoples, of imperialist wars of aggression.
It follows that all democratic and antimonopoly forces, with the working class and Black liberation movement in the van, can effectively defend the interests of the vast majority of people only when they actively further the struggle against racism. This is an essential precondition for the development of a fighting alliance which will unite all democratic and antimonopoly [anticapitalist] forces in the country.
Marx wrote long ago that “labor in a white skin can never be free so long as labor in the black skin is branded.” This profound observation points up the fact that racism is the consciously employed weapon of the white imperialist oppressors, who use it to create division in the ranks of the working class. And Marx correctly suggests that white workers must take the lead in the struggle against racism. This is the path which can lead to unity of Black and white workers in struggle, which can achieve Black equality and a real improvement in the conditions of all workers.[7]
A close ally of the South African Communist Party and actively involved in the American movement to end support for the United States' then-ally, apartheid South Africa, Winston proposed the following strategy as a backbone of principles for the U.S. sanctions and divestment movement against the apartheid regime:
1. No economic, political or military relations whatsoever with the Vorster regime in the Republic of South Africa.
2. Congress shall tax and the Treasury shall collect taxes on all profits made in South Africa at maximum rates without deductions for local tax paid.
3. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation shall refuse to insure any new investments in South Africa and cancel all outstanding insurance on investments in the Republic of South Africa.
4. The President shall instruct the Export-Import Bank and all other U.S. credit agencies to refuse all credits for business with the Republic of South Africa and instruct U.S. representatives of international lending agencies to oppose all credits to the Republic of South Africa or companies operating therein.
5. The State Department shall denounce all existing investment, trade and commercial treaties with the Union of South Africa and the President shall remove most favored nation treatment from South African goods.
6. The immediate withdrawal of the sugar quota to the Republic of South Africa.[8]
As Chairman of the CPUSA, Winston condemned the Reagan administration's nuclear buildup, increases in military spending at the expense of social welfare programs, and sponsorships of civil wars against leftist forces in Nicaragua and El Salvador.
Winston died on December 13, 1986, aged 75, in the Soviet Union, where he had again returned in search of medical treatment.
可以，介绍的可算比较详细了。
他们有本回忆录。
但是，被清洗之后本来应该大书特书，这段历程说的不多，反倒是白劳德介绍的特别多，给人感觉似乎美共不见了，现在看来都是宣传套路！
而且他们和黑豹党的继承也谈的不多啊！！
有意思。
这事几个重要特点。
第二，跟着共产党，他们的理论水平和做事水平相当高。
第三，敌人非常畏惧他们，进行了打压，在美国这个社会，基本上像他们这样，人就废了，然而，他们还能简单的初步的战斗一下，虽然说很低潮，但是也是可想而知了。
第四，他们确实依靠苏联比较多，这也是合理的。
第五，黑人平权运动是他们的盟友，或者说算是松散联盟的一部分，然而，确实也是被打压得很厉害。
应该说，马丁路德金博士的和平平权运动也够温和的了，但是，也不行啊。
到现在为主，没有看到红权运动者和共产党合作的资料，但是我想，共产党应该和印第安人权利者有合作。
应该美共的发展模式是相对比较合理的，确实团结了大多数底层，比今天的反对华尔街有效得多，所以确实被美国政府收拾得厉害。
由这些资料可见，张海涛的资料是站得稳的。
美国的军队很有意思，战争时期，美国军人牛皮哄哄，战后往往沦为底层。